Friday, 16 December 2016
President Park Geun-hye's Impeachment Special, Part VII: Proceedings in the Constitutional Court of Korea. What would went WRONG?
Wednesday, 14 December 2016
President Park Geun-hye's Impeachment Special, Part VI: Short Letter from the Moe Representative of Changnyeong County
Dear Madam President Park Geun-hye,
It looks like that I can't defend you any longer. I cried because I can't accept the fate that you're been impeached by the majority of Assemblymen in the National Assembly. Recently, you distanced me in favour to your 'best-friend forever', Choi Soon-sil for doing such heinous things that happened in my adopted country.
I had enough with the scandal that marred you, the officials of the Blue House and Choi Soon-sil's cronies and extended relatives. The high-profiled figure skater, Kim Yuna has been threatened to not receive the most distinguished award in Korean Sport which is 2015 Sportsman of the Year Award from Korean Sport & Olympic Committee after rejected any sponsorship that related to your confidante. With this, the preparation for the Winter Olympics at Pyeongchang in 2018 stalled because of your monstrosity.
The Korean Chaebols are threatened as well by Choi Soon-sil. Companies that related to Hanjin Group such as Hanjin Shipping and Korean Air and Cheil Jedang-based CJ E&M are in danger because of Choi Soon-sil who meddling these companies. That imbecile old hag has an authority to appoint and fire anybody not only for Government Officials, the workers of those company that I highlighted also included. Keep in mind that bribery is your 'main meal' everyday. Either in small or big values, you gobble them all.
Remember the Sewol-ho sinking? Don't you think that you're indirectly killed 300 Danwon High School students in process during your disappearance? I can't forgive myself because one of the sources about the sinking has been received by my nemesis, Yoo Do-hyang (Liu Bei? Of course, she did). I feel sorry to the parents of the students who perished in this incident. They demanded the justice for two years and finally, it served after your impeachment.
I, Cho Hwa-rim (just remember me as Cao Cao - the Chaos Queen of Wei Dynasty), the Moe-Representative of Changnyeong County will break my ties with you because of your heinous attitude towards not only government officials and celebrities, yet to the Korean People in general. We're done.
(Moe Representative of Changnyeong County, Southern Gyeongsang Province)
Monday, 12 December 2016
President Park Geun-hye's Impeachment Special, Part IV: The Impeachment Proceedings in the Constitutional Court of Korea
The Constitutional Court of Korea (Hangul/Hanja/Romanization: 헌법재판소/憲法裁判所/Heonbeop Jaepanso) is an independent and specialised court in the Republic of Korea, whose primary role is the reviewing of constitutionality under the Constitution of the Republic of Korea. It also has administrative law functions such as ruling on competence disputes between governmental entities, giving final decisions on impeachments, and making judgements on the dissolution of political parties.
The Constitutional Court has exclusive jurisdiction over impeachment proceedings brought against certain high-ranking public officials. In general, impeachment motion is done by the National Assembly; in bicameral countries it is conducted by the upper house, and some countries have a separate Court of Impeachment, but the Korean Constitution endowed exclusive jurisdiction over impeachment to the Constitutional Court.
If the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, members of the State Council or Ministers of Executive Ministries, Justices of the Constitutional Court, judges, members of the National Election Commission, Chairman or commissioners of the Board of Audit and Inspection, or other public officials designated by the law violate the Constitution or other laws in the performance of official duties, the National Assembly may pass a motion for impeachment. The impeachment prosecutor shall request adjudication by presenting to the Constitutional Court an authentic copy of the written resolution of the institution of impeachment. No person against whom a resolution of institution of impeachment is passed shall exercise his or her power until the Constitutional Court makes a decision thereon.
Impeachment adjudication proceeds with the hearings in the main building of the Constitutional Court at 15 Bukchon Avenue/Bukchonno, Jaedong 83-beonji, Seoul Jongno-gu. If the party is not present on the day of the hearings, the date must be reassigned. If the party fails to be present on the reassigned date, the hearing may proceed without the defaulting party. When a request for impeachment is upheld, the Constitutional Court shall pronounce a decision that the accused person be removed from public office. The decision of impeachment does not excuse the official from civil or criminal responsibility. An impeached official cannot become a public official within 5 years.
News about PGH's Impeachment in the Korea Times
Constitutional Court receives baton on impeachment, written by Kim Bo-eun
December 9th 2016, 1709 hours (KST +9)
The Constitutional Court received the baton on President Park Geun-hye's impeachment from the National Assembly after the motion against her was passed, Friday. Rep. Kweon Seong-dong of the Saenuri Party, the chief of the National Assembly Legislation and Judiciary Committee, who will defend the impeachment during the court hearings, submitted the resolution to the court.
The court then convened an emergency meeting of justices to discuss its hearing plan. It said the first may begin as early as the end of the month. The court named Judge Kang Il-won as the chief justice of the case. The court also requested the President to submit her written defense by Dec. 16, a preliminary step before hearings. The court is required to make a ruling within six months. But the decision may not come fast, because a number of factors could pose obstacles including an independent counsel investigation into the scandal surrounding her and her confidant Choi Soon-sil, which will be taking place at the same time.
Some observers say it may be difficult for the court to make a ruling before the investigation is concluded, as the allegations are yet to be confirmed as true. The court's previous ruling on the impeachment of former President Roh Moo-hyun was different in that the facts had already been established when the ruling took place. It took only 63 days. Others believe the special prosecutor's probe into the scandal will not affect the court's ruling because the justices will reach a conclusion independently.
The judges will examine whether the President violated the Constitution and laws by letting Choi, who does not hold a government post, meddle in state affairs, handing over classified state information to her, extorting money from conglomerates to benefit Choi, and not being on official duty on the day of the Sewol ferry disaster.
They will be able to examine related evidence. However, an obstacle in the process may be the law on the Constitutional Court which prevents it from requesting records of a case which is currently undergoing investigation or a trial. This will make it difficult for the impeachment ruling to take place before the independent counsel's 100-day investigation ends. The court may summon Park for the hearings, which she can refuse to attend.
Another obstacle may be the retirement of judges. At least seven justices of the nine-member panel are required to make a ruling, and at least six of them need to support the impeachment for it to be accepted. However, two members' terms will expire in January and March, respectively. The President holds the right to appoint the justices, but she has been suspended from duty. But it is not clear whether the prime minister, who will be the acting president, will be able to appoint new judges.
The scope of the acting president's authority is not clear. Among legal experts, there is a prevailing view that it is inappropriate for someone temporarily acting as the president to appoint justices who hold six-year terms.
If new members are not appointed soon enough, the ruling could be made with only seven members. Considering that the seven are mostly conservative, there is the possibility that more than one of them may oppose the impeachment and rule against it. Moreover, if one of the seven justices is unable to take part, the court's ruling will be indefinitely suspended.
Saturday, 10 December 2016
President Park Geun-hye's Impeachment Special, Part III: Extraordinary Session with the Moe Representative of Dalseong County about PGH's Impeachment
My fellow Dalseongite Citizens,
Last Friday, the National Assembly decided to impeach our Current President, Park Geun-hye due to several reasons. The decision was one-sided, where 234 Assemblymen favoured to impeach her while the other 56 Assemblymen against it. Despite that, we, as a Korean Republic Citizen must respect to the final decision made by our lawmakers.
For your information, Madam Park Geun-hye was an assemblywoman of Dalseong County, served from 1998 to 2012. We're truly in debt to her in several ways, either in welfare and rural development in the sole county at Daegu Metropole. However, once we've heard the bad news about her scandal with her confidante - Choi Soon-sil and her cronies, our citizens which include the Dalseongites as well, lose our confidence to her, little by little.
The scandal marred by our president caused the big companies such as Hanjin Shipping was bankrupt; awaiting for bailout, making the other countries to lose confidence to invest our country in terms of business and trade and the citizens lost their patience against her and her 'best friend forever', Choi Soon-sil - siphoning our revenues to the confidante's pocket.
We, the Dalseongite citizens had enough with this disgraced president. She betrayed our trust, exposing herself to be controlled by the confidante and absolutely weak compared to her father who administered this country from 1961 to 1979. She is considered to be the seed of failure for all Goryeong Park Clansmen.
I, Guo Jia; under the alias of Kwak Bong-hyo, the Moe-Representative of Dalseong County, Daegu Metropole will not support Park Geun-hye, the impeached president because of the reasons I've mentioned earlier. We will support the acting president, Hwang Kyo-ahn to administer this nation for 180 days interval and give a green light to the Constitutional Court to investigate her wrongdoings.
That's all for today, thank you.
President Park Geun-hye's Impeachment Special, Part II: The Disappearance of President Park during Sewol-ho Sinking and BOTOX?
|Well, this is the way to impeach the disgraced current President of the Republic of Korea.|
This article is sourced from Ask A Korean.
Park Geun-hye’s drug habit may yet resolve the biggest mystery of her administration—what was she doing during the Sewol ferry disaster, one of the greatest man-made disasters in Korea in the last several decades? The news that Sewol-ho was sinking broke around 9 a.m. on April 16, 2014, and the Blue House received a report of it by 10 a.m. But Park Geun-hye did not appear in public until after 5 p.m., when she appeared at the disaster response center. The “missing seven hours” by Park Geun-hye has been this administration’s greatest controversy, as the Blue House steadfastly refused for more than two years to disclose what Park Geun-hye was doing for hours while 300 school children from Danwon High School were drowning on live television. If we watch the video via YouTube, the high school students were humming the song entitled 'My Heart will Go On', sang by Celine Dion while the Sewol-ho sunk. Ironically, this song is an insert song for the film 'Titanic' when I was 7 years old! REALLY?
Let's take a look to quick review of the timeline first. The first call for the Sewol ferry came at 8:52 a.m., and the first news report broke at 9:19 a.m. The Blue House claims that it received the first briefing on the accident at 10 a.m. The last survivor from the ferry was rescued around 10:20 a.m. Around 10:30 a.m., Park Geun-hye called the maritime police twice to receive briefing and give directions. Park then took no action until she called the Blue House chief of national security at around 2:11 p.m. Park called the chief at 2:57 p.m., and held the Blue House chiefs meeting at around 4 p.m. Then Park appeared in public for the first time at 5:15 p.m. At the disaster response central, Park Geun-hye appeared clueless, asking why it was so hard for the rescue team to find the students floating with life vests on the water—when it has been clear to the whole country for hours that most of the passengers were trapped in the ship and never made it out.
Several unresolved questions arise from this timeline. First, it is not entirely clear where Park Geun-hye was and what she was doing between the initial report at 10 a.m. and the public appearance at 5:15 p.m. During that seven-hour window, Park Geun-hye did not receive any briefings in person, nor did she give any order in person. She received all reports either via paper reports or over the phone, and gave all directions over the phone. Second, the Blue House stated that Park Geun-hye was at the Blue House residence, which only raises further questions: why would she be at the residence, and not at the main hall of the Blue House where the offices are? Third, even if we believed everything that the Blue House said, there is a 3.5-hour gap in Park Geun-hye’s activity between 10:30 a.m. and 2:11 p.m., while the entire country was watching the television, horrified.
According to the latest revelation, Park Geun-hye’s personal hair stylist visited the Blue House in the afternoon to fix her hair before Park had to appear before the disaster response center. This, however, still leaves unexplained the 3.5-hour gap in the mid-day. Awww.... come on.... SERIOUSLY?
Once the Choi Soon-sil-gate and Park Geun-hye’s drug habit became public, the leading theory of the “missing seven hours” became that the president was under the influence. There are multiple sub-theories. One of them is that Park was asleep under the influence of propofol. The Sewol sank on Wednesday, April 16, 2014. Dr. Kim Yeong-jae, Choi Soon-sil’s plastic surgeon, closed his clinic every Wednesday—but nonetheless prescribed propofol dozens of times on Wednesdays from 2014 to 2016, including on April 16, 2014. Another sub-theory speculates that Park Geun-hye was unavailable because she was going through a plastic surgery of some kind, like a Botox injection. Proponents of this theory (who include prominent opposition politicians) claim that Park Geun-hye’s face changed significantly between April 15th and April 16th.
Well.... this disgraced president do DRUGS. End quote.
Friday, 9 December 2016
President Park Geun-hye's Impeachment Special, Part I: Background and About Park Geun-hye's Confidante, Choi Soon-sil
Following six weeks of street protests in downtown Seoul and Korean Republic Nationwide since the anniversary of the assassination of Park Geun-hye's father, Park Chung-hee in October 26th 2016 and an approval rating that plunged to just 4%, South Korean President Park Geun-hye was impeached Friday, December 9th 2016 by the nation’s National Assembly, signaling an ignominious end to a term that had become mired in a corruption scandal.
The impeachment vote required at least 28 of Park’s fellow Saenuri Party lawmakers to cross the aisle to make up the majority two-thirds of the 300-seat legislature. The final vote was 234 to 56 in favor of impeachment. Park is suspended with immediate effect although the vote needs to be ratified by the nation’s Constitutional Court within 180 days to become permanent.
The nation’s Prime Minister, Hwang Kyo-ahn who was once removed by Park Geun-hye's government - takes over Park’s responsibilities in the interim, though Park had already offered to resign if lawmakers voted against her. If she does, new elections must be held within 60 days. Crowds of banner-waving protesters greeted the verdict with cheers outside the chamber.
“President Park Geun-hye has not only forgotten her duty as the nation‘s leader and administrative chief but also violated the constitution and other laws concerning her public duties,” said opposition lawmaker Kim Kwan-young while presenting the impeachment bill.
Who the HELL is Choi Soon-sil?
Park is the 64-year-old daughter of former South Korean military dictator Park Chung-hee, who is credited with spearheading the East Asian nation’s rapid economic growth of the 1970s and ’80s. She is accused of sharing classified documents with her longtime confidante, Choi Soon-sil.
Choi Soon-sil had known President Park since the 1970s when her father, Choi Tae-min, was then-president Park Chung-hee's mentor while the family was still grieving from the assassination of then first-lady Yook Young-soo. Choi at that time claimed that the shamanic leader can channel communication to her dead mother. Both have remained friends since, even up to the point when Park Geun-hye became president. Park's imperial manner during her tenure has raised suspicions due to her lack of communication with parts of the government and the press.
Choi, who has no official government position, was revealed to have access to confidential documents and information for the president, and acted as a close confidant for the president. Choi and President Park's senior staff used their influence to extort W77.4 billion (~ $774M) from Korean chaebols – family-owned large business conglomerates – setting up two media and sports-related foundations, the Mir and K-sports foundations. She embezzled money during the process, and it is reported that some of them were used to support her daughter Chung Yoo-ra's dressage activities in Germany. She is also accused of rigging the admissions process at Ewha Womans University to help her daughter get accepted at the university. Ahn Jong-bum, a top presidential aide, was arrested for abusing power and helping Choi; he denied wrongdoing and claims he simply followed presidential orders.
On October 25, 2016, Park Geun-hye publicly acknowledged her close ties with Choi. On October 28, Park dismissed key members of her top office staff and Park's opinion rating dropped to 5%, the lowest ever for a sitting South Korean president. Her approval rating ranged from 1 to 3% for Korean citizens under 60 years of age, while it remained higher at 13% for over 60 years age group. This also prompted President Park to fire members of her cabinet and the prime minister of South Korea in order to redirect the public's criticism. In particular, the sacking of the prime minister Hwang Kyo-ahn has resulted in a controversy, due to the claim that his firing had been done via a text message.
Money Laundering, falsified admissions of Choi's daughter... wait... WHAT?
Ms. Choi’s previously hidden power over the president suddenly came under intense scrutiny when investigations began into two charitable foundations, Mir and K-Sport, both created in the past one year. In the case of Mir, the Ministry of Culture and Sports approved its establishment overnight; normally it takes a month. The country’s top companies donated to them nearly 80 billion KRW through the Korea Federation of Industries, the leading business lobby.
The problem is that these entities were reportedly controlled by Ms. Choi, whose intimates filled the key positions. Some of the money the foundations raised was funneled to at least one company Ms. Choi owns with her daughter in Germany. (The latest tally from the German media is that Ms. Choi owns 14 ghost companies in that country.) This firm bought a hotel near Frankfurt, conveniently close to where Ms. Choi’s daughter, an equestrian gold medalist at the 2014 Incheon Asian Games, was training until recently and owns a house.
Resembling a princess of some faraway despotic kingdom is this twenty-year-old, Chung Yoo-ra. She lost the top spot at a national championship three years ago, and the police investigated the judges for bias. Two Culture and Sports officials, who subsequently looked into the matter but blamed the fracas on both Ms. Chung and the equestrian association that held the event, were demoted. Ms. Chung became a student at a prestigious South Korean women’s university - Ewha Womans University, admitted under questionable circumstances after the university changed its admission criteria, and her attendance record is spotty to say the least. The university president, Choi Kyung-hee resigned on October 20th over the allegations surrounding Ms. Chung.
Early this year, European sources reported that the South Korean electronics giant Samsung even bought a magnificent champion horse, Vitana V, this year for Ms. Chung’s use. Such tidbits of information about the family trickled down to the public in the preceding weeks until the cable TV channel JTBC found Ms. Choi’s tablet computer. In it were President Park’s speeches, received by Ms. Choi before the president officially unveiled them, with edits in red. It also contained other state documents. Naturally, all hell broke loose.
Each day since then has brought new allegations – for they still remain mostly allegations only – about how Blue House secretaries were doing Ms. Choi’s biddings; how many government policies Ms. Choi might have dictated; how many real estate holdings, bought with mysterious sources of funding, Ms. Choi has in and out of South Korea; what associates she placed in positions of power; and how she called the president her “sister” in private conversations with others and went so far as to say “I get to enjoy this much because I have stayed loyal to my sis all the way until now.”
There have been many glaring signs that Ms. Park is no leader in charge. Two years ago a leaked Blue House document blamed Ms. Choi’s husband for running the presidential house like a puppet master. A Japanese newspaper Sankei identified him as the person with whom Ms. Park might have spent seven hours alone, on the fateful day of the Sewol ferry sinking. In response, prosecutors tried the reporter for defamation. Perhaps this was an indication of the president’s sensitivity to the matter. And frankly, the few who spoke out against the power of the Choi-Chung clan over Ms. Park have seemed like a raving lunatic, considering how absurd the charge – that Ms. Park was so utterly in thrall to a single family – sounded.
(To be continued to the next part)
Friday, 16 September 2016
Happy Birthday to my beloved country, Malaysia and my adored Witch, Raisa Pöttgen.
Dirgahayu negaraku Malaysia - tanah tumpahnya darahku.
Long live my country, Malaysia - the land where my blood has spilt.
Sunday, 14 August 2016
Saturday, 13 August 2016
Friday, 12 August 2016
Thursday, 11 August 2016
Madame Lu Zhi is here with the recipients of the Order of Merit for National Foundation; most of them originated from Cottage Roh Clan with two different lineages in D-4 Countdown. The picture above is the National May 18th Democratic Uprising Cemetery a.k.a National Cemetery for Gwangju Massacre (국립5.18민주묘지/國立5.18民主墓地), located at 200 Democratic Avenue/Minju-ro, Unjeong-dong san 35-beonji, Gwangju Buk-gu.
Wednesday, 10 August 2016
71st Anniversary of Gwangbokjeol Special, Countdown D-5: Korean Patriots from the Former Royal House of Jeonju Yi
Tuesday, 9 August 2016
Monday, 8 August 2016
Sunday, 7 August 2016
71st Anniversary of Gwangbokjeol Special, Countdown D-8: Korean Patriots from Hyeonpung-Posan Kwak Clan
Countdown D-8 features the recipients of the Order of Merit for National Foundation from the bespectacled Hyeonpung-Posan Kwak Clan. The picture above is the Hyeonpung-Posan Kwak Ancestral Shrine (현풍곽씨12정려각/玄風郭氏12旌閭閣/Hyeonpung Kwak-ssi Sib-i Jeongnyeogak), located at 3 Jidong Alley/Jidong-gil, Jiri 1348-2 beonji, Hyeonpung-myeon, Dalseong County, Daegu Metropole.
Saturday, 6 August 2016
Madame Huang Zhong (Hwang Ja-won [황자원/黃紫苑) is here with the recipients of the Order of Merit for National Foundation; most of them originated from Hwang Clan with three different lineages in D-9 Countdown. The picture above is the National March 15th Democratic Uprising Cemetery a.k.a National Cemetery for Masan Uprising (국립3.15민주묘지/國立3.15民主墓地), located at 75, 3.15 Sanctuary Avenue/3.15 SeongYeok-ro, Guam-dong 544-1 beonji, Changwon MasanHoewon-gu, Southern Gyeongsang Province.
* Footnote: Ja-won is Korean Renderization for her real name in Japanese, 'Shion'.
Friday, 5 August 2016
Thursday, 4 August 2016
Wednesday, 3 August 2016
The D-12 Countdown features Sun Quan (Son Yeon-hwa [손연화/孫蓮華]) with the recipients of the Order of Merit for National Foundation and Order of Military Merit; most of them originated from Miryang Son Clan. The picture above is the Old Clan House of Miryang Son (밀양 다죽리 손씨고가/密陽 茶竹里 孫氏古家) at Dajuk-ri, SanOe-myeon, Miryang City, Southern Gyeongsang Province.
* Footnote: Yeon-hwa is Korean Renderization for her real name in Japanese, 'Renfa'.
Tuesday, 2 August 2016
The D-13 Countdown features Liu Bei (Yoo Do-hyang [유도향/劉桃香]) with the recipients of the Order of Merit for National Foundation; most of them originated from Gangneung Yoo Clan. The picture above is the Ojukheon Villa and Municipal Museum (강릉시 오죽헌•시립박물관/江陵市•烏竹軒市立博物館), located at 24 Yulgok Avenue 3139th Street/Yulgok-ro 3139beon-gil, Jukheon-dong 201-beonji, Gangneung City, Gangwon Province.
* Footnote: Do-hyang is Korean Renderization for her real name in Japanese, 'Touka'.
Monday, 1 August 2016
The 71st Anniversary of Gwangbokjeol is around the corner. So, I made a wallpaper which is correspond to Koihime Musou Girls and Korean Independence Activists based on their surnames. The D-14 Countdown features Cao Cao (Cho Hwa-rim [조화림/曹華琳]) with the recipients of the Order of Merit for National Foundation; most of them originated from Changnyeong Cho Clan. The picture above is the Site of Foundation of Changnyeong Cho Clan (창녕조씨 득성설화지/昌寧曺氏得姓說話址), located at Okcheon-ri san 322-beonji, Changnyeong-eup, Changnyeong County, Southern Gyeongsang Province.
* Footnote: Hwa-rim is Korean Renderization for her real name in Japanese, 'Karin'.
Monday, 23 May 2016
To all beloved and loyal viewers, the blog posts of Koihime Musou Girls and Koreans has been moved to new blog address:
Still wanna know Which Koihime Musou Girls who sharing the same surnames as Koreans? Stay tuned.
Friday, 20 May 2016
Wednesday, 18 May 2016
I feel very happy if Chun Doo-hwan has been assassinated by unknown assailant, the person who upheld the democratization movement in Gwangju Metropole and avenge the death of innocent Gwangjuvians. Moreover, I love to hear that old geezer will cease to exist. If this freaking old geezer dies, the citizens of Jeolla Province rejoice when hearing this good news.
Sunday, 8 May 2016
In this picture, a handful of Koihime Musou Girls are correspond to their surnames and linked to the Korean Patriots. Surnames of Kwak, Yook, Yoo, Son, Hwang, Uhm, Jang, Lee, Yeo, Plaintiff Cho, Jo, Seo and Heo are included in the list.
Thank you for 200K hits. I feel very thankful for those who follow up my blog.
Wednesday, 4 May 2016
Yook Sung-jae (Hangul/Hanja/Romanization: 육성재/陸星材/Yuk Seong-jae; born May 2nd 1995 in Yongin City, Gyeonggi Province), simply known as Sungjae, is a South Korean singer, actor and television personality. A member of the boy band BtoB, he has also starred in dramas Plus Nine Boys (2014), Who Are You: School 2015 (2015) and The Village: Achiara's Secret (2015). He is a member of Okcheon Yook Clan (옥천 육씨/沃川陸氏), a clan which is originated from Okcheon County, Northern Chungcheong Province - same as the First Lady Yook Young-soo, mother of the current president of Korean Republic, Park Geun-hye and wife of the former president Park Chung-hee.
Sungjae debuted as a member of BTOB. The group officially debuted on March 22, 2012. Sungjae along with Ilhoon and Lee Minhyuk took part in writing lyrics for their debut song “비밀(Insane)”. On July 2014, Sungjae became a presenter for the program, A Song For You with Kangin of Super Junior and Amber of f(x). Later that year, Yook Sungjae was casted in variety series, Hitmaker as member of Hyundon and Defconn's parody project boy group, Big Byung. He was given the stage name of YookDuk and was also joined by Got7's Jackson, VIXX's N and Hyuk. The group released a music video for their single entitled Stress Come On on August 19, 2014. He was also casted in the television drama Plus Nine Boys as a 19-year old Judo athlete named Kang Min-gu. In late 2014, he became a cast in reality variety show Real Men and left in 2015.
On January 2015, Big Byung made their comeback with "Ojingeo Doenjang" together with the Season 2 of Hitmaker. Sungjae received his biggest break when portrayed a leading role in the teen drama, Who Are You: School 2015 as Gong Tae-kwang who is an idiotic but problematic child of the Sekang High School's director. He acted alongside Kim So-hyun and Nam Joo-hyuk. He also received a good feedback when he competed in a mystery music show, King of Mask Singer. He joined as Tired Bumblebee and reached the third stage of the competition with the song "Thanks" by Kim Dong-ryul. Currently, he is still in a virtual marriage in season 4 of the reality show We Got Married with Red Velvet's Joy. He starred in the horror-mystery drama The Village: Achiara's Secret as the male lead Park Woo-jae. His role is identified as police officer Park Woojae.
It was also revealed that after the television series, Who Are You: School 2015 ended, Yook Sungjae was able to land in a total of 4 solo endorsements including mobile app Cash Slide, clothing brand Black Yak with Jo In-sung, Hazzy's Accessories with his co-star in Who Are You: School 2015, Kim So-hyun, and lastly a shopping website named G-Market.
By the year-end, Yook received multiple awards in KBS Drama Awards, SBS Drama Awards, and MBC Entertainment Awards. He received the Best Couple Award with Kim So-hyun for the teen drama Who Are You: School 2015 and New Star Award for the mystery drama The Village: Achiara's Secret. He also won Best Couple Award with Red Velvet's Joy, and the Best Male Rookie (in Variety) for their appearance in the variety show, We Got Married.
Saturday, 30 April 2016
Koihime Musou Girls and Famous Koreans, LARGE Edition! (Part XIX): Zhao Yun and Cho Byeong-ok (1894-1960) - The Death of Cho Byeong-ok and the Foul Play in the March 15 Elections, written by John Chang Myon
February 15th 1960. Just one month from the presidential and vice presidential election day, fate took another tragic twist. Dr. Cho Byeong-ok, the Democratic Party’s presidential candidate who had gone to Washington D.C. for surgery, passed away.
On January 19, at the peak of the campaign, Dr. Cho stated in a press interview: “I have no intention of going into a hospital. I assure you that I am mentally and physically capable of speaking for an hour and a half in any campaign rally. It is true that I have some problems with my intestines but I am not going to be hospitalized. The need for surgery is news to me; my doctor has never told me any such thing.” However, his doctor told the reporters on January 22 that X-rays showed Dr. Cho needed immediate surgery. Dr. Cho departed for the U.S. on January 29 with the words, “I’m going to come back in good health.”
He underwent surgery on January 30 at the Walter Reed Military Hospital. We were told that his prognosis was favorable and that he would be able to leave the hospital around February 22 and be on his way home at the end of the month. But he died suddenly on February 15.
To have been destined to lose a running mate twice! I lost my presidential running mate, Shin Ik-hee, in 1956 only ten days prior to the elections for the third president and vice president of the country. And now Dr. Cho was not to return from the U.S. Mine was the oddest fate.
As for Dr. Rhee, on the other hand, it was a boon for him to be elected without effort. His success for the fourth consecutive time became an established fact as there was no time for the Democratic Party to nominate another candidate. Relieved from the qualms over the presidential election, the Liberal Party set out to get Yi Ki-bung, their vice presidential candidate, elected by any means, fair or foul. They vowed not to repeat the defeat of the previous election.
With the beginning of March, we began to get clues that the Liberal Party was earnestly plotting against us. Not all of the police were tools of the ruling party. There were many officers who informed us about the instructions they had received to support the Liberal Party’s illicit schemes.
The opposition party was ready to reveal all the dark schemes of the Liberal Party. Equipped with evidence, we released new information to newspapers, which ran them under banner headlines. We also raised the issue in the National Assembly. We knew that the ruling party and the government had worked out detailed illegal and unethical strategies and sent instructions out with a stern admonition “not to spare anyone’s life” in order to remove any obstruction in their way. They were willing to go to the extreme.
On February 28, while I was heading to a rally in Daegu, high school students erupted in protest against the government’s heavy-handedness. Afraid, with good, reasons that the students would crowd into the rally, government officials instructed schools to keep them in class although it was a Sunday; that only ignited the anger of the students. Their demonstration that day was the starting point of the nationwide student demonstrations, which kindled the April 19 Revolution. My heart leaps even today when I think of the rally by the Suseong River where I spoke over the shouts of the Taegu students from afar. We had the wholehearted support of the people. There was nothing that could overpower the power of the people.
However, trouble was brewing from, of all places, the inside of our party. Some of the old faction members, having lost their zeal with the death of their leader, Dr. Cho, suggested we give up the elections because the election of a vice president alone would be meaningless. Most of them became passive spectators or, at worse, uncooperative. They probably saw no advantage in electing a man of the new faction as vice president.
In the meantime, the Liberal Party, now that their success in the presidential election was firmly secured, proposed that the president and the vice president be elected from the same political party. As the elections approached, election fraud became even more rampant, each new act more outrageous than the previous one. As a last resort, they printed a fake photo of the Democratic candidate. One morning near election day, I woke up to find the whole country plastered with a photograph of myself standing beside a Japanese soldier. A close look revealed that it was a composite picture of someone else with my face, the work of a professional photographer to create the impression that I was a Japanese sympathizer. The fact that it was plastered all over the country overnight, during curfew, plainly betrayed that it was done under the supervision of some government agency. Much too crude and vulgar to be convincing, the effort had the opposite effect of earning the Liberal Party derision and scorn.
From the dawn of election day, desperate reports poured in from everywhere, “There is nothing we can do. We should give up the election.” Ballot boxes were found that were already filled with ballots, and the poll watchers of the Democratic Party were barred from the polling stations. Gloomy reports notwithstanding, officers of the Democratic Party and I were determined to stay in the election. We agreed that we should bear witness to all the horrendous malpractices of the Liberal Party before we gave up and do so only when it was worth it. It would have meant nothing if we had given up at that point.
The atmosphere continued to get more and more depressing. Around 4:30 in the afternoon, a half hour before the ballot closing time, we finally decided to declare that we were withdrawing. The day had been marred with countless incidents of beatings and terror across the country and a great number of Democrats were severely injured.
In the evening of the most heinous election fraud in our history that usurped the sovereignty of the people, angry citizens in Masan took to the streets in protest against election fraud and stormed into the local police headquarters. It was a spontaneous outburst of people power, a violent eruption of pent-up discontent.
It should be pointed out that the day’s uprising was the public’s united response to the opposition Democratic Party’s steadfast struggle against corruption and dictatorship. The courageous uprising of the students that brought on the April 19 Revolution was made possible because the Democratic Party had already laid the foundation for resistance against the regime. Over the years, numerous Democrats had risked their lives and lost all their family fortune in resisting the suppression by the Liberal regime. Some were beaten to death or maimed. Kim Yong-ho, a financial officer of the Yeosu chapter, for example, was attacked by mobsters during the campaign and died on January 9, 1960.
Koreans owe the Democratic Party acknowledgement of its long struggle. It is not fair to condemn it as having been power-thirsty or to say that it had had a free-ride to power on the tail of the April 19 Revolution. It is true that the April 19 Revolution was directly responsible for the downfall of the dictatorship. There is no doubt that the students dedicated their own blood to the development of democracy. But the contribution of the Democratic Party in laying the groundwork for it through years of enduring persecution should not be underestimated.
On March 16, the opposition lawmakers declared in the National Assembly the invalidity of the presidential and vice presidential elections. On April 11, the Democratic Party filed a lawsuit to invalidate the elections. The next day, April 12, a massive street demonstration erupted in Masan for the second time.
I discussed the Masan situation with party officers and dispatched a number of doctors and lawyers together with party representatives. Local doctors dared not give medical care to the injured citizens for fear of retaliation by the Liberal Party. Lawyers were also needed because civil rights were being brutally trampled on and Masan people were reduced to a helpless state. As soon as they arrived in Masan, our doctors got busy taking care of the injured with medicines they had taken with them, while our lawyers started to work to protect the rights of the citizenry. Although belated, the opposition members endeavored their best to do their work. Masan in those days was a sweltering cauldron of frenzy and excitement. The deafening cheers that shook the streets whenever a jeep with a Democratic Party insignia drove by were the heartfelt shouts of people power.
The Democratic Party also did its best to locate the body of Kim Ju-yeol, a high school student who had been lost during the first Masan riot. We even hired haenyo, the women divers of fishing villages, to look for him underwater. Kim’s body floated up on April 11, a tear-gas canister lodged in his eye.
The roar of the people that started in Masan reverberated among the students of Korea University who started the student demonstration in Seoul on April 18. Several days before, opposition assemblymen had already staged a massive demonstration and some started a sit-in protest, locking themselves in the National Assembly.
“Down with the Syngman Rhee regime!” was the slogan that appeared at this stage. First heard in the demonstration by the Korea University students, it lit a fuse under students nationwide and erupted into a demand for the resignation of the President.
Friday, 29 April 2016
Koihime Musou Girls and Famous Koreans, LARGE Edition! (Part XVI): Cao Hong and Juksan Cho Bong-am (1898-1959) - Victim of President Syngman Rhee's Autocratic Rule
Cho Bong-am (Hangul/Hanja: 조봉암/曺奉岩 or 曹奉岩, Born: September 25th 1898 in Jisan-ri, Seonwon-myeon, Ganghwa County, Incheon Metropole - Executed: July 31st 1959 at Seodaemun Prison, Hyeonjeo-dong, Seoul Seodaemun-gu), known with his pen name of Juksan (죽산/竹山) was a Korean independence activist and politician, who ran for president in the South Korean presidential election in 1956. He is a member of Changnyeong Cho Clan (창녕조씨/昌寧曺氏), a clan which is originated from Changnyeong County, Southern Gyeongsang Province. He was a founding member of the Korean Communism party (조선공산당/朝鮮共産黨) and the Progressive Party (진보당 進步黨), a moderate socialist democratic party in South Korea that was one of the country's major political forces.
Cho Bong-am studied in Japan and the Soviet Union. In the 1920s, he was active in the Korean Communist Party. Post Japanese Rule though, Cho defected from the Communist Party in 1946, criticizing it for its subservience to the Soviet Union. After the end of the United States Army Military Government in Korea in 1947, Cho became the Minister of Agriculture under Syngman Rhee's presidency.
In 1952, Cho ran for presidency for the first time against sitting president Rhee, and Yi Si-yeong. He gained only 0.8 million votes out of 5.2 million. The Progressive Party was founded in the aftermath of the Korean War under Cho's leadership. Cho and his followers were able to build a wide coalition with the country's leftist forces. Cho also successfully created coalitions right-wing forces opposed to Syngman Rhee's dictatorship.
The party's founding and moderate success in Korea's hostile political environment is considered a large result of Bong-am's personal charisma. The Progressive Party advocated peaceful unification with North Korea, through strengthening the country's democratic forces and winning in a unified Korean election. Cho called for both anti-communist and anti-authoritarian politics, as well as advocating for social welfare policies for the peasants and urban poor.
In the 1956 election, Cho ran against Rhee, the anti-communist strongman previous president. Cho lost with 30% of the vote, which exceeded expectations. Following the election, the Progressive Party broke apart due to factionalism. Three years after the election, Cho was charged with espionage, and receiving funds from North Korea. He was executed on July 31st 1959 in Seodaemun Prison. Before he escorted to an execution chamber, Cho Bong-am reportedly said, “If I committed something wrong, it was that I entered politics. Please give me something alcoholic to drink.” He buried at Mangu Park Cemetery, Seoul Jungnang-gu after his execution on the gallows.
Sunday, 10 April 2016
This is a song about my situation. I've gone hiatus for almost four months because of my work as draftsman but.... my dream of spreading moe love in Korean Peninsula will go on. I'm still alive and will never die meaninglessly. I'll give you a song entitled "I'll Never Die" by Lee Jung-hyun.
뭐라고 했어 기가막혀 말도 안 돼 뭐야/Mworago haesseo gigamakhyeo maldo an-dwae mwoya
어떻게 네가 먼저 네가 대체 뭐야/Eotteoke nega meonjeo nega daeche mwoya
하던데로 성질데로 맛좀 볼래 콱/Hadeondero seongjildero matjom bollae kwak
열받아 분통터져 미치겠어 뭐야/Yeolbada buntongteojyeo michigesseo mwoya
왜냐고 따져묻진 않겠어/Waenyago ttajyeomutjin angesseo
절대로 매달리진 않겠어/Jeoldaero maedallijin angesseo
어차피 내가 싫어가는 널 붙잡기는 싫어/Eochapi naega shireoganeun neol butjabgineun shireo
추한꼴 보여주진 않겠어/Chuhankkol boyeojujin angesseo
다시는 전화하지 않겠어/Dasi-neun jeonhwahaji angesseo
참겠어 눈물 따윈 잊겠어/Chamgesseo nunmul ttawin itgesseo
비참해질 태니까/Bichamhaejil taenikka
너를 만나서 사랑한 만큼/Neoreul mannaseo saranghan mankeum
이별후에 너무 아팠어/Ibyeolhu-e neomu apasseo
하지만 잊을래 작은 기억까지 모두 가져가/Hajiman ijeullae jag-eun gieok-kkaji modu gajyeoga
너 때문에 아팠던 얘길 적어 둘꺼야/Neo ttaemune apatdeon yaegil jeog-eo dulkkeoya
혹시 또 너와 헤어진걸 잊어버릴까봐/Hoksi tto neowa he-eojin-geol ijeobeorilkkabwa
너 때문에 잃었던 나를 다시 찾겠어/Neo ttaemune ireotdeon nareul dasi chatgesseo
이제는 너의 모든것을 잊겠어/Ije-neun neo-ui modeungeos-eul itgesseo
I'll never cry I'll never die
난 죽지 않아 너 하나때문에/Nan jukji an-a neo hana-ttaemune
며칠 집에 막혀 이런 저런 생각 고민해 봤지/Myeochil jib-e makhyeo ireon jeoreon saenggak gominhae bwatji
어쩌다 우리 이 지경이 되버리고 만건지/Eojjeoda uri i jigyeong-i doebeorigo mangeonji
그런데 왜 나 보다 더 네가 불쌍해 보였지/Geureonde wae na boda deo nega bulssanghae boyeotji
나 보다 멋진 여잔 없을 태니까지/Na boda meotjin yeojan eobs-eul taenikkaji
함께한 사진 모두 찢겠어/Hamkkehan sajin modu jitgesseo
니가 또 그리워질 태니까/Niga tto geuriwojil taenikka
다시는 취하지도 않겠어/Dasi-neun chwihajido angesseo
널 찾을 태니까/Neol chaj-eul taenikka
잊으려 애를쓰진 않겠어/Ijeuryeo aereulsseujin angesseo
그게 더 힘이 들게 할 태니/Geuge deo him-i deulge hal taeni
오히려 네가 떠나 준 것이/Ohiryeo nega tteona jun geos-i
다행일지도 몰라/Dahaeng-iljido molla
어차피 우린 맞지 않는걸/Eochapi urin matji anneungil
네가 먼저 깨달았을뿐/Nega meonje kkaedarasseulppun
너 같은 사랑은 이제 없을 태니 정말 고마워/Neo gat-eun sarang-eun ije eobs-eul taeni jeongmal gomawo
너 때문에 아팠던 얘길 적어 둘꺼야/Neo ttaemune apatdeon yaegil jeog-eo dulkkeoya
혹시 또 너와 헤어진걸 잊어버릴까봐/Hoksi tto neowa he-eojin-geol ijeobeorilkkabwa
너 때문에 잃었던 나를 다시 찾겠어/Neo ttaemune ireotdeon nareul dasi chatgesseo
이제는 너의 모든것을 잊겠어/Ije-neun neo-ui modeungeos-eul itgesseo
너 때문에 이렇게 아파하는건 아냐/Neo ttaemune iroge apahaneun-geon anya
널 위해 보낸 시간들이 안타까운거야/Neol wihae bonaen sigandeur-i antakkaun-geoya
너 때문에 잃었던 나를 다시 찾겠어/Neo ttaemune ireotdeon nareul dasi chatgesseo
이제는 나를 내가 사랑하겠어/Ije-neun nareul naega saranghagesseo
I'll never cry I'll never die
난 죽지 않아 너 하나때문에/Nan jukji an-a neo hana-ttaemune
다시는 아픔도/Dasi-neun apeumdo
다시는 이별도/Dasi-neun ibyeoldo
다시는 고통까지도/Dasi-neun gotongkkajido
아픔도, 고통도, 꺼져버려!/Apeumdo, gotongdo, kkeojyeoboryeo!
|Sumi: Whoa. I'm still alive?|
Friday, 8 April 2016
The Grand Order of Mugunghwa (Hangul/Hanja/Romanization/Abbreviation: 무궁화대훈장/無窮花大勳章/Mugunghwa Daehunjang/GOM) or also known as The Grand Order of the Rose of Sharon in English is the highest order awarded by the government of the Republic of Korea. It can be awarded to the individuals who are serving or have previously served as the Head of State of the Republic of Korea and its allies, as well as to the spouse of a head of state. The order is instituted on August 13th 1949 and presented for 'Outstanding meritorious services in the interest of promoting the development and security of the Republic of Korea.' The order is traditionally awarded to the President of the Republic of Korea and his/her spouse after their inauguration. At the same time, the President becomes the Grand Master/Mistress of this Grand Order.
The Grand Order of Mugunghwa takes its name from the national flower of Korea, the Rose of Sharon a.k.a hibiscus syriacus. The Rose of Sharon is a cultivar native to the Korean peninsula and has great cultural significance in Korean history. During the Japanese colonial period, the Mugunghwa was engraved in Korean people’s minds as a symbol of the undying soul and spirit of Korea. After all, in Korea, the Mugunghwa has been the flower that gives hopes and dreams even when a person is experiencing pain and sorrow.
The Grand Order of Mugunghwa consists of an insignia of The Royal Crown of Silla Kingdom (57BCE - 935CE) worn from a collar around the neck, a badge suspended from a sash, and a breast star. A lapel badge is also available. The sash of the order is worn from the left shoulder to the right hip. The Grand Order of Mugunghwa is made of gold and silver and includes ruby and amethyst gemstones. The decoration costs approximately 20 million won, or $19,000 U.S. dollars.
The Grand Order of Mugunghwa is traditionally awarded to the incoming President of the Republic of Korea shortly after their inauguration. Before the inauguration, President Roh Moo-hyun decided not to accept the award as is traditional, but to receive it from the incoming president upon his own departure from the office. After their conviction for treason in 1996, the former presidents, Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, were ordered to return the award along with other State decorations that they were awarded. While Chun agreed to return the awards, he and Roh have yet to actually return them.
Friday, 22 January 2016
KorEconomics 101 (한국경제학개론), Part XXVI: Jeju Bank - Principal Bank of Jeju Island, a subsidiary of Shinhan Bank
Jeju Bank (Hangul/Hanja/Romanization: 제주은행/濟州銀行/Jeju Eunhaeng) is a regional bank that covers Jeju Island which consists two cities in that island, Downtown Jeju on North and Seogwipo on South. Founded in 1969, the bank joined the Shinhan Financial Group as a subsidiary of the oldest bank in Korea, Shinhan Bank in 2002.
Since its incorporation into Shinhan Financial Group, Jeju Bank has made a turning point by taking a leap into further growth and adopted the advanced customer management skills, business administration system and various business systems from Shinhan Financial Group and applied those systematic and scientific systems to its existing local-friendly management system to create a new value as a local bank.
Jeju Bank has made a significant progress and played a key role in developing the Jeju economy with the outstanding support and concern from its local citizens. The bank has taken root as the most convenient bank in Jeju based on its far-reaching business network in the region. It has also lived up to its expectations as the most popular bank to Jeju citizens.
The bank has a network of 36 branches and offices throughout Korean Republic, mainly in Jeju Island. There are three branches outside the island - two in Seoul (Myeongdong 1-ga, Seoul Jung-gu and Yeoksam-dong, Seoul Gangnam-gu) and one in Busan (Namhang-dong 1-ga, Busan Yeongdo-gu).